COULD IT BE THE SUCCESS OF SOMALILAND THAT TENDS TO IRK?

AN ANSWER TO THE SAMATERS ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE
TO THE INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND

Tol xubeer ah, xidid kula dhashay iyo hooyo ku xanbaarta, xawayaanku wuu kala yaqaan xaafaduu yahaye, xaaramiyahow maxaad Gabilay uga xishoonwayday. Translation omitted intentionally.

Waxa tiriyay Ina Cawad Bayle

The response of the two Samaters to the ICG (International Crises Group) report is highly inflated with fallacies, reminiscent with that famous style of pencil pushers. Distorting the historical facts with such a calumny, to belittle the civil administration of Somaliland and appease that other group, certainly reveals the nature of their camouflaging diabolic misinformation. In addition, the disturbing anomalies inherent in their wrings are the lack of objectivity, integrity and transparency, as it pertains to the unjust affair that followed the union between the North and the South, the unsubstantiated claim of the former prime minister Abdirazaq as being the father of democracy in Somalia, and their relentless opposition to Somalilands quest to embrace democracy and gain international recognition. Furthermore, the Samaters insensitive insinuation that the inhabitants of Hargeisa, Burao, Berbera and Gabiley are in search for claiming some sort of privileged pain, as a result of atrocities the Somali military regime inflicted on them is akin to playfully adding fire to painful wounds the Issaq people chose to put behind them. This is a sordid allegation, which is a very macabre way aimed to criticize the victims of terror rather than the perpetrators of terror.

Without a doubt, the Samaters are aggressively engaged on some deliberative conspiracy designed to torpedo the positive achievement of Somaliland by any means possible. If this hate driven behavior continuous unabated the virus could spread to the international community, negatively impacting the freely expressed will of our people in the internationally monitored national referendum, municipal and presidential elections

Conscious with the difficult situation in Somalia and the unique circumstances facing the Somaliland, I intend to articulate the following five items: -

1. The Darvish, Putative Saint of Somali Nationalism

2. The Union of Somalia and Somaliland

3. The Era of Former Somali Republic Prime Minister Abdirazaq Haji Hussein

4. Liberation Movements of SSDF and SNM

5. Somaliland Stability; The Emerging Democracy




The Darvish, Putative Saint of Somali Nationalism

An important issue in Somali History that deserves to be mentioned is the case of Sayid Mohamed Abdulla Hassan, particularly the resistance he led against the colonial rule and his place in Somali literary poetry creativity. Unfortunately, the Samaters ignored to show the true picture of that historic legacy. There is no doubt that the Dervish led an organized resistance against the British colonialism, but the human cost of his leadership was very astronomic. The Sayid confiscated the livestock of many Somali Communities to his disposal. He also murdered thousands of nomads in the Mudug region. It is also well known that the driving force of his leadership was based on systemic tribal compartmentalization. He divided his forces into two groups. The privileged Khusuusi group was the members of BAH GARI. The other less privileged group were Daraawish, forces from other Somali clans. This brutal tactics and his innate sectarian policies significantly contributed to the Dervishs inability to attract the aggregate support of the Somali people.

In modern history of Ethiopia the Dervish is considered as an Ethiopian. During the Ethiopian expansion to the Somali territory, he met with Emperor Millik the second and assisted the Ethiopian emperor for his policy of annexing the Somali territory. In return, the Sayid was allowed to seek refuge in Ethiopian, when he was defeated. Therefore, the patriotism and the nationalism of the Darvish remain highly debatable.

The Darvish was very skilled in Somali poetry and many Somalis still retell his famous poems. However, his rank in Somali literature was significantly tarnished, due to his habitual malicious insults of all Somali clans. Many Somalis saw his poems deviating from the high moral standards normally shared among those excelled in the arts of poetry. In 1952, the Somali poets held a conference in Hargeisa to honor those who significantly contributed to the annals of Somalis literary poetry creativity. Some of the famous persons in the conference were: Haji Muse Glaal, Ali Dhuux, Cumar Xussein (Cumar Australia), Sheeko Xariir, Abdi Warsame Abdi Gahayr and Yusuf Maigag Samater. The Darvish was not honored on the grounds that his poetry inventions failed to adhere to the generally accepted Somali literary poetry ethics. The Darvish is the only known Somali poet who articulated some poems about the private parts of ex-wife.

The Union of Somalia and Somaliland

There is no doubt that the people of Somaliland were once the architects of Somali unity. On June 26, 1960 Somaliand got its independence from the British, and 35 countries recognized it. During that time, the sentiment of nationalism and Pan Somalism were all time high and Somalilanders were so enamored with the idea of bringing all ethnic Somali speaking communities under one nation (NFD, Djibouti and Ogaden). The union took place on July 1, 1960, the day the Italian Somalia became independent. The international community was quite surprised with such an abnormal decision taken by the newly independent British colony to surrender its sovereignty and merge with Southern Somalia. The headlines of the international newspapers were among others, -- the colony that rejected freedom -- the colony that surrendered its independence and refused to join the Common Wealth. Unequivocally, the Somalilanders sacrificed their independence for the sake of attaining the ultimate unification of Somali Regions in the area. The Samater report miserably failed to synopsize the uneven economic and political association during the onset of the union.

The Southerners dominated both the parliamentarian (33 seats given to the North out of 123 seats) and ministerial positions of the new Somali Republic. Notwithstanding their inferior educational background, the Southerners enjoyed a substantial number of both the high-ranking police and military officers. It is true that Somaliland enjoyed a significant number of the civil servants. Since English language was adapted as one of the official languages, the Somalilanders enjoyed an advantage, as they were trained in English language. Somaliland was economically marginalized and almost all economic developmental projects; productive industries, highway constructions, hospitals, major educational institutions and agricultural industries were shifted to Southern Somalia. Very little or insignificant economic developments were allocated for the North

The Era of Former Somali Republic -- Prime Minister Abdirazaq Haji Hussein

The two professors clearly over emphasized 28 aviation trainees in their dramatic pursuit to crown the former prime minister of Somali Republic Abdirisak as the undisputable champion of democracy, Somali Unity, non-sectarian politics and anti-corruption is quite contrary to the popular belief. Bestowing such huge unearned credit upon the former PM, the Samaters have done a painful disservice to the old man. Many individuals were encouraged to revisit the record; a part of history that is not to his favour, and that is what I intend to do.

1947 the foreign secretary of UK Lord Peiven envisioned the idea of bringing the five Somali speaking regions together Greater Somalia under the British trusteeship. He presented the motion to the British House of Commons and secured their approval with no difficulty. The government of UK further circulated the Somali issue at the UN Security Council. The United Nations sent a fact-finding delegation to Mogdishu, and the elders of all Somali regions met with the delegation. Unfortunately the SYL party, Digil and Midhifla clans refused the idea. Abdirizaq Haji Hussein was the number two man of the SYL, obviously casting doubts about Abdirazaqs pro Somali unity tendencies implied by Samaters.

During the early 1960s, when the Credit Bank of Somalia was established, the former Prime Minister imparked on sectarian policy by exclusively staffing the bank with pre-selected Majeerteen individuals. There is a general consensus among many Somali individuals who vividly recall the lending policies of bank that only Majeerteen clan persons secured favoured credits from the bank, with the exception of well-known northern businessman, an indication of PMs favoritism, nepotism and corruption policies

In addition, the former Prime Minister removed the District status from Ceel-Afwayn to Garadag in 1967. Abdrizaqs intention was to saw some conflicts within the local sub-clans. Fortunately, the concerned communities wisely understood the wicked policy of the Prime Minister and opted to remain indifferent with the change.

The former president Aden Abdulle Osama paid an official visit to China in early 1960s. The Chinese government agreed to construct permanent water supplies for Hargeisa. The PM Abdirizaq blocked the execution of the project six times. It was the gut feeling of the former Minister of Planning who made resumption of the project possible, when he lonely went to Chinese embassy and signed the contract. The Minister was blamed and the Prime Minister Abdirazaq gave him a warning. Once again revealing Abdirazaqs counter productive regionalism policies.

During the 1960s the Federal Republic of Germany donated four power generators to Somali Republic. These four-power generators were intended to produce electricity for the city of Buroa. Upon the arrival of the generators at the port of Mogdishu, Abdirazaq intervened, two of the electric generators were assigned to Jiriban in Mudug, Majeerteen inhabited area. The other two were also shifted to Iskushuban another Majeerteen vicinity. This is another sectarian policies of the former Prime Minister.

Contrary to the Samaters claim that the PM contributed to the democratic policies of Somali Republic. After losing the elections in 1967, the former Prime Minister embarked on brutal political assassination attempts to regain his political portfolio. Abdirazaq started providing military training as well as the necessary skills to assemble bombs to some loyal Majeerteen groups. The purpose of these terrorist tactics were to kill and disrupt the newly elected President Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, and his Prime Minister Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal. Captain Sadiq, Abdirazaqs nephew died in 1968, as a result of accidental explosions of one of the bombs his group were assembling. To date many Somalis still believe the Former Prime Minister might have been a willing participant in the conspiracy that claimed the life of the former president.

Liberation Movements of SSDF and SNM

The military regime of dictator Siyad Barre ruled the country with an iron fist coupled with unheard of brutality. The regime landed their first blow on the Northeast --- inhabited by Majeerteen, Darood sub clan, Siyad Barre also Marreehaan, Darood sub clan). The entire Somali Community was fearful to demand the cessation of the ongoing military actions against the people of the Northeast. This rekindled a great deal of discontent in the Northeast, as a result an organized liberation movement was formed in 1978. The SSDF was based in Ethiopia; it drew its support from the Majeerteen. The SSDF use to get its finances and military hardware from some of the Arab countries, but the organization failed to undertake any significant military operations against Barres regime. In addition, the uncompromising dictatorial rule of Abullahi Yusuf as well as Barres amnesty to encourage defectors contributed to the disintegration of movement. The SSDF failed to mature as a menacing guerilla movement capable of lunching military operations against the regime in Somalia. The returning SSDF fighters were welcomed in Somalia and allowed to assume their previous positions, only to become part of the Barres military machine that lunched second brutal brunt on the Northwest Issaq areas.

Having similar circumstance with Northeast - SSDF, the Issaqs in the Northwest formed SNM 1981, but with some distinct peculiarities. Like SSDF, the SNM failed to attract support from the other clans with the exception of few principled individuals, such as Abdirahman Tolwa among others. The liberation movement drew its military personnel from the Issaq dwelling areas and was also stationed in Ethiopia. Indicative of its democratic tendencies the movement had five elected leaders during its 10 years life span. Disdainful with the regimes brutality against its people, many skilled military officers deserted the Somali army and joined the movement. Endowed with this military know-how, the SNM fighters launched well-organized military operations through out the Northwest. With these relentless ambushes, the army forces of dictator Barre were taking huge losses. Finally the death knell of the regime sounded when SNM, USC and SPM signed their strategic co-operative agreement to export the military campaign to the south. The dictatorial rule of Siyad Barre collapsed in January 1991. The SNM forces finally liberated Somaliland and extended an amnesty to the remnants of Barres forces, with exception of those individuals who committed atrocities against the local people.

Contrary to the Samaters allegations, the SNM refrained from settling old scores. Instead, the movement adapted a policy of reconciliation to establish genuine and lasting peaceful coexistence among the clans of the country. Encouraged with SNMs virtuous approach, the leading clan elders gathered in Buroa conference on 1991 and unanimously agreed on to withdraw from the act of union and restore the independence of Somaliland On May 1991. It was this conference, where the elders of Somaliland succeeded to lay the initial building blocks of peace and stability for Somaliland. Therefore, the Samaters affront characterization of SNMs agenda during its military campaign against Dictator Barre, as being janus-faced is cheap and despicable at best.

Somaliland Stability; Emerging Democracy

The elders of Somaliland assumed the onerous task of bring peace and stability throughout the country, utilizing the traditional methods of conflict resolutions to establish peaceful co-existence among the clans. The elders are the final arbiters in any unexpected situation perceived as being a treat to peace and the harmony among the various tribes in Somaliland. Any verdict rendered by these elders is always binding on the parties in conflict. In addition, the nucleus of the Somaliland culture did not suffer significant injury during the British rule of Somaliland protectorate. Therefore, the fast based democracy taking shape in Somaliland, stems from the homogenous blend of that traditional pastoral democracy combined with some contemporary democratic ideas adapted according to the needs of this vibrant and viable state of Somaliland.

In Somaliland, one has the luxury of choosing among the abundant wealth of traditional poems to enrich his communications skills in a given situation. Therefore, the most appropriate Somali adage that comes to mind is the famous poem of the late Salan Carabay: -

WAXBA YUU XEERKAY I MARIN XOOLANA I SIINE XAASHEE NIN LIBIN KAA XISTIYAY XUMIHII WAA YAABE. This could be translated as:
Neither reciprocate me in kind nor pay me in wealth, Oh! No, he who jealously suppresses your success is amazingly shrouded with an incredible shame.

Conclusion

The scholarly report of the Samaters as well as their dedicated 35 years to sympathetically understand the inner workings of Somali society clearly stops short to provide pragmatic solutions to the Somali problem. Instead, the two professors joined their side of choice in the ongoing tug of war Somali affair. Likewise, forgetting to mention the legacy of late president Egals skillful leadership to make Somaliland attain its present democratic, peace and stability conditions is dismaying lapse. Such one-sided report, replete with doctored historical facts and mean spirited intentions against select clan in Somaliland makes the two professors guilty of academic misrepresentations.

Finally I intend to conclude my article with the speech of the former Soviet President
At the United Nations on December 7, 1988. President Gorbachev had this to say:

The principle of freedom of choice is mandatory. Refusal to recognize this principle will have serious consequences for the world peace. To deny a nation the freedom of choice, regardless of the pretext or the verbal guise in which it is cloaked is to upset the unstable balance that has been achieved. Freedom of choice is a universal principle. IT KNOWS NO EXCEPTIONS. Absolutely relevant to Somaliland, the case for emerging democracy in the Horn of Africa.



By: - Adam Mohamed Egeh - Mardaadi

September 18, 2003